THE CASTE SYSTEM

A Balinese lives in a complex social web. His first bond is determined by his descent group (wangsa) and caste (kasta); his second, more democratically, by his village, clan, and banjar. Before Indonesia gained independence a third bond tied the citizen to a leige lord or prince. On Bali today, it is politically correct to observe that only vestiges of the caste system remain, but anyone who lives in a village for a few weeks will learn that caste is still deeply ingrained in the social fabric.
     The Javanese introduced the caste system when they established themselves in Bali in A.D. 1343, creating a colony for the Majapahit classes. With its ancestor worship, vassal princes, and deified warrior kings, this social institution has its roots in a Hindu origin myth developed in India more than 4,000 years ago in which Brahman (god) was sacrificed and cut apart to create all things in the universe. In the Hindu Rig Veda, the world's oldest liturgical text, god's mouth becomes the Brahman class, his arms the Ksatriya class, his thighs the Wesya class, and his feet the Sudra class. Just as a person needs his head, arms, thighs, and feet, so does society need all four constituent parts to function.
     This Vedic myth justified a strict feudal division of society, but because Bali developed in near isolation from the rest of the Hindu world, the social stratification dictated by the caste system is more relaxed and irregular on the island than in India.
     As in India, however, the forefathers of Bali's nobility were considered to possess supernatural powers, granted legitimacy and state sanction by the great priests of the day. These men were sticklers for protocol and their edicts carried the full weight of the law.
     In the late 16th century, Javanese nobles systematically established kingdoms over the whole island, eventually culminating in Bali's eight rajadoms. Descendents of these nobles today go by the name Gusti and Ngurah, and still hold positions of great power and wealth, though hereditary rule is technically banned in Indonesia.

Concept and Function of Caste
Each Balinese Hindu strives to achieve liberation, the union of the soul (atman) with Brahman or god. Through actions and thoughts (dharma), the Balinese continue to incarnate until the soul is pure enough to fuse with Brahman. It's the duty of each caste to help the other castes.
     Each Balinese knows his or her place and is quite willing to work within it. Duty transcends self and must be obeyed without regard to personal wishes or desires. Each caste must follow its own elaborate set of rules, and each member knows how to behave under almost any set of circumstances.
     Caste is not based on occupation or profession, but on birth. But because one was born into a certain caste does not necessarily have the aptitudes, temperament, and skills typical of that caste. A Ksatriya does not cease being a Ksatriya just because s/he does not do the work of a Ksatriya. And if a Brahmana does not work as a priest or a teacher, it doesn't mean s/he is not accorded the esteem due a Brahmin.
     Caste also means little in terms of wealth or community power. There is in fact a growing gap between status title and such economic indices as wealth and job. Brahmana and Ksatriyas work as tourist guides, room boys, bartenders, even bemo drivers, while Sudras attain high government posts and Wesya run restaurants and hotels.

Triwangsa
Meaning "Three Peoples." This is the gentry class of Bali, the highest three societal stratifications of traditional Hinduism: the Brahman, Ksatriya, and Wesya castes. These privileged classes, constituting perhaps 10% of the population, are held in great respect. Observing subtle differences in titles and a complex system of etiquette, Triwangsa are addressed in a more refined language than that used in everyday speech. Formerly Triwangsa lived in or near the puri.
     The Dutch persuaded these three upper classes to assist them in ruling Bali, but by the early 20th century most had lost their power and social position. Having fallen on hard times, they had to levy taxes on cockfights and markets to pay for the trappings of their symbolic power.
     Some Balinese families devote a life of service to a Ksatriya, or Brahmana family, for the privilege of including a grandparent as a follower (pengiring) in the elaborate cremation ceremony of a great raja. Allegience to a leige lord honors the palace's lifelong services to the community-as keepers of the faith, custodians of the temples, and, in the case of Brahmans, the making of holy water.
     Spiritually, the nobility's most important function is that of custodian (pangemong) of the island's major temples. The deified ancestors of Bali's original palace families are integral members of the pantheon of gods in the village temples. In spite of all the democratizing and defeudalizing on Bali, this bond between palace and worship has not been interrupted. The tie between Balinese and leige lord is unbreakable. It is said the Balinese truly "love their lords."
     Brahmana is the highest class, consisting of mostly priests, scholars, and teachers. Brahmana live in a geria. Only a Brahmana may become a priest (pedanda), receive certain burial rights, and enjoy a high level of ritual communication. Brahmana believe their high caste sets them above even the triwangsa aristocrats. It's always a Brahman who repairs or repaints a rangda or barong mask because only the Brahmana know how to protect themselves from the magic powers released. This intellectual class is the best source for information on religious and social matters. Brahmana men are addressed as Ida Bagus; women Ida Ayu or Dayu.
     The Satram is the political, warrior, and raja, or princely, caste. Formerly Balinese royalty, this caste is primarily divided mostly among the descendents of the five royal families of Klungkung, Gianyar, Bangli, Badung, and Tabanan. Nearly every village has a puri, the elaborate residence of the Ksatriya.
     Ksatriya names are variable, depending on the family, but male Ksatriya usually begin with Cokorda Gede, Cokorda, Anak Agung, Dewa, or Dewa Agung, while the women are called Dewa Ayu or Anak Agung Istri. In the name Dewa Gede Putu, Dewa is the title, Gede is an honorary prefix meaning "great," and Putu denotes a first born child.
     Wesya is the administrative, merchant, economist class, which, on occasion, has ruled Bali's smaller principalities. There are approximately six Wesya groups; the most important is the Arya group, descended from a raja. Men's names begin with Gusti, women with I Gusti Ayu.

Sudra
About 90% of the Balinese belong to this caste. Sudra, though commoners, are not considered "untouchable" like the pariahs of India. The duty of the Sudra caste is to labor for the three upper classes. Men are addressed I, women Ni. Formerly, Sudras were not taught to read or write, and thus were dependent on the specialized knowledge of upper-class scholars to interpret religious texts and prayers.
     The Sudras have their own exorcist specialists (sungguhu) who banish buta and kala (devils) from ceremonies. Today, most Sudra families turn to a Brahmana household for help in setting propitious dates, interpreting omens, refurbishing ceremonial paraphernalia, dedicating a bale or shrine, purifying a house, translating lontar, or reciting sacred Kawi passages for necessary ceremonies. The Sudra family is obliged to repay such assistance by paying a call and bringing food.

Caste Rules and Taboos
Caste rules are largely restricted to the observance of established etiquette. High-caste Balinese must be addressed by the proper title. Triwangsa castes should sit above lower-class folk, and may not be touched by Balinese of lower caste. People should marry only within their caste. At one time a lower-caste man who dared marry a Brahmana women was drowned in the ocean. Even in this era of globalisasi, intercaste marriages are still frowned upon particularly when men of lower caste marry higher caste women.

Status Changes
The Balinese are now dealing with issues that bring into question values and traditions that are deeply rooted. No one knows whether to abide by the old rules or disable them. There still seems to be a deep need to maintain overall status differences within each of the regencies. The craze in geneology writing, which last surfaced in the 19th century, has become popular among families who feel the need to position themselves in relation to other high-caste clans.
     The Klungkung royal family asserts it was the original founding family against which all others must be measured. Other families claim to have located ancient prasasti edicts proving that they are superior. Every village contains families desparately trying to raise themselves to a higher caste by almost any means possible. You hear of spectacular status changes: i.e. the family of a kepala desa going from Dewa to Anak Agung to Cokorda in three generations, allegedly bribing villagers to address them in the proper way.
     In Tabanan, when a group of Sudra raised themselves to Dewa, it incensed the other Dewa in the banjar so much it triggered pitched battles with bamboo runcing. The camat and police had to be called in to pacify the combatants. Also at work on Bali is the principle of sinking status. If a high caste man marries a low caste woman, and their male children continue to marry beneath them, over three or four generations the family loses its high caste status. This is why you're always meeting Balinese who claim to come from priests or kings of the Triwangsa aristocratic castes.